The Formation of a New International Order: Understanding the Geopolitical Dynamics of Greater Eurasia and Asia in 2023

The Formation of a New International Order

The formation of a new international order is inevitably accompanied by a conflict between the powers seeking to preserve their status and rivals whose development determines the creation of new rules and customs of interaction on the world stage. The military and political conflict between Russia and the West, as well as the gradually accelerating confrontation between China and the US, determine the central position of Greater Eurasia and Asia in international politics. This is, first and foremost, because this vast region is a space where stability and development are important for Moscow and Beijing, while crises and conflicts are highly desirable for the United States and its European satellites. The year 2023 has shown that Greater Eurasia and Asia have so far been resistant to the negative external influences that are having the most dramatic consequences in Europe and the Middle East.

No Geopolitical Fault Lines in Asia and Eurasia

The fact that there are no opposing military and political alliances in Asia and Eurasia, and that the so-called geopolitical fault lines exist only in the imagination of particularly impressionable readers of American newspapers, is due to the peculiarities of this space’s political culture, but also to the general trends of international life at the present time.

Promotion of Peaceful Resolution of Disputes

Firstly, although this macro-region has its own experience of resolving interstate contradictions, conflict as the best way to achieve goals is not a central part of its foreign policy culture. In other words, where Western nations like to take up arms and see the solution to complex situations in confrontation, Asia and Eurasia prefer to resolve disputes peacefully.

Aim of Associations of States in Asia and Eurasia

Secondly, the emerging associations of states in Asia and Eurasia are not aimed at achieving aggressive goals against third countries. They are primarily aimed at achieving their members’ development goals and maintaining their internal stability. Therefore, there are no alliances in Asia and Eurasia that are created to ensure the privileged position of their members vis-à-vis the rest of the macro-region.

Relatively Large States

Thirdly, there are no relatively large states within the macro-region that would act as “agents” of extra-regional actors. The only countries that might be exceptions in this sense are Japan and South Korea.

Challenges and Opportunities in Asia and Eurasia

It is true that Asia and Eurasia are not free of certain internal contradictions, the resolution of which is an important task for interstate cooperation. Among these contradictions, the relatively difficult relations between the world’s two demographic giants – India and China – are at the top of the list.

Stability of Central Asia

It is necessary to mention the continuing threat of destabilization of such an important part of Eurasia as Central Asia, which consists of the five former Soviet republics and neighboring Afghanistan.

Future of International Institutions in Asia and Eurasia

Some aspects of the future of Asia and Eurasia’s major international institutions are uncertain. We know that the current institutions of international cooperation in Asia and Eurasia were created within the framework of an international order that is now changing and is becoming, in many of its dimensions, a legacy of history.

Conclusion

To sum up the events of 2023, Asia and Eurasia remain a space of cooperation, not competition, and the leading regional powers are able to reach terms that would be relatively fair to their smaller partners. At the same time, all the acute problems facing the macro-region involve an extra-regional player as one of the actors. Localizing the negative consequences of this will be the main task of international cooperation in Asia and Eurasia in the coming years.

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